Symbols in to Kill a Mockingbird/Bless Me Ultima

Mockingbirds: The mockingbird is a symbol that is used to show the idea of innocence. A mockingbird brings nothing but good with its’ beautiful songs, so if you kill a mockingbird it is a sin because it is so innocent. Boo Radley is often connected to the mockingbird because he is innocent in his situation and it is wrong for people to assume bad things about him when they do not really know him, and he is slowly destroyed by the people of Maycomb throughout the book.The Mad Dog: Tim Johnson was a dog infected with rabies that needed to be put down. The dog is a symbol of racism in the novel. Racism is getting out of control (just like the dog), and it needs to be put to a stop. Atticus shoots the dog to put him down but racism is a harder challenge to try and defeat. Atticus has to do things he doesn’t want to, like killing a dog and facing the court room. Bless Me Ultima: Rudolfo Anaya Ultima’s Owl: Ultima’s owl represents Ultima’s life in animal form. Related article: Arguments Made in Take the Tortillas Out of Your PoetryThe owl that sings to Antonio every night comforts him during his dreams. This is just like how whenever Ultima is around Antonio he feels at ease. When Tenorio kills the owl, Ultima soon dies after because her animal force was killed. The Virgin of Guadalupe: The statue in this novel represents forgiveness and understanding. Whenever Antonio feels troubled he turns to the statue. The statue accepts Antonios failures and always forgives.

Tennessee Williams Essays - English-language Films, Free Essays

Tennessee Williams Essays - English-language Films, Free Essays Tennessee Williams The playwright, Tennessee Williams, allows the main characters in the plays A Streetcar Named Desire and The Glass Menagerie to live miserable lives which they try to deny and later change. The downfall and denial of the Southern gentlewoman is a common theme in both plays. The characters, Blanche from A.S.N.D. and Amanda from T.G.M., are prime examples of this concept. Both Blanche and Amanda have had many struggles in their lives and go through even more through out the rest of the plays. The problem is that Williams never lets the two women work through and move on from these problems. The two ladies are allowed to destroy themselves and he invites us to watch them in the process(Stine and Marowski 474). The downfall, denial, and need to change of the two women is quite evident in these two plays. First the troubles of Blanche and Amanda need to be recognized. Blanche hides her drinking problem so well when she arrives and sneaks a shot of whiskey (William A Streetcar Named Desire, ,Scene1. Page 18. Lines 12-17) that when she is later offered a drink, she acts as though she has no idea where they keep them (Williams, A.S.N.D. 1.19.12-15). Amanda cannot accept that no gentlemen callers are coming for Laura,herdaughter, thus making it harder for Laura to accept it (Williams,The Glass Menagerie, 1.28.1-5). Blanche and Amanda both do not allow themselves to accept their problems and work them out. They deny these problems which feeds them making them larger and even more complicated. When Stella offered Blanche a second drink she stated, ?One?s my limit.? (Williams, A.S.N.D., 1.21.14-15) Blanche is very ?self-destructive? (Hassan 326). She is her own worst enemy because of how she handles her problems. Amanda comments at the end of the play that Tom shouldn?t think about his poor mother and sister in a very sarcastic way (Williams, T.G.M., 9.114.1-3). She tries to push her problems off on him and not deal with them herself. By pushing the blame off on Tom, she feels as though she did nothing wrong and it is everyone else?s fault. If the two women had just accepted that they were at fault too and not just everyone else they could have moved on with their lives. Both Blanche and Amanda?s biggest problem is that they deny the truth. Blanche denies her drinking problem. She also denies the fact that she was a prostitute. She even made such an unbelievable comment that, ?I take for granted that you still have sufficient memeory of Belle Reve to find this place and these poker players impossible to live with.? (Williams, A.S.N.D., 4.70.1-3) She denies that she ever sunk lower than Stella when in truth, she was much worse. She was the one who lost her job for sleeping with a seventeen year old and was kicked out of the town for being a slut by the mayor. She had the gall to lecture Stella on her choice of men. ?You can?t have forgotten that much of our up bringing, Stella, that you just suppose that any part of a gentlemen in his nature!? (Williams, A.S.N.D., 4.71.13-18) Blanche speaks to Stella as though it is absolutely terrible that she married Stanley, of all people, when she slept with more people than she could even remember. She shows the ?do as I say, not as I do? philosophy while though at first, Stella is not even aware of her sister?s past. Amanda on the other hand, just shrinks poor Laura?s self-esteem and confidence more than it already is by bragging about how she had seventeen gentlemen callers over one evening when she was Laura?s age. Amanda also refers to her husband?s leaving her and her childeren as, ?he fell in love with long distances...? (Williams, T.G.M., 1.23.28). She sannot admit the truth that he just left them. She cannot even admit to herself that Laura is crippled, she only refers to her as different. Also, when Amanda looks back at her past, she tends to only remember the good things that happened. She has blocked out the things that she did not enjoy and has exaggerated the past to an extent. At one point

What We Know About Dinosaur Life Spans

What We Know About Dinosaur Life Spans The bleached skeleton of a hundred-million-year-old Deinonychus can tell us a lot about what this dinosaur ate, how it ran, and even how it interacted with others of its kind, but not much about how long it lived before dropping dead of old age. The fact is, estimating the lifespan of the average sauropod or tyrannosaur involves drawing upon numerous strands of evidence, including analogies with modern reptiles, birds and mammals, theories about dinosaur growth and metabolism, and (preferably) direct analysis of the pertinent fossilized dinosaur bones. Before anything else, of course, it helps to determine the cause of death of any given dinosaur. Given the locations of certain fossils, paleontologists can often figure out if the unlucky individuals were buried by avalanches, drowned in floods, or smothered by sandstorms; also, the presence of bite marks in solid bone is a good indication that the dinosaur was killed by predators (though it’s also possible that the corpse was scavenged after the dinosaur had died of natural causes, or that the dinosaur had recovered from a previously inflicted injury). If a specimen can be conclusively identified as a juvenile, then death by old age is ruled out, though not death by disease (and we still know very little about the diseases that afflicted dinosaurs). Dinosaur Life Spans: Reasoning by Analogy Part of the reason researchers are so interested in dinosaur lifespans is that modern-day reptiles are some of the longest-lived animals on the earth: giant tortoises can live for over 150 years, and even crocodiles and alligators can survive well into their sixties and seventies. Even more tantalizingly, some species of birds, which are the direct descendants of dinosaurs, also have long lifespans. Swans and turkey buzzards can live for over 100 years, and small parrots often outlive their human owners. With the exception of humans, who can live for over 100 years, mammals post relatively undistinguished numbers, about 70 years for an elephant and  40 years for a chimpanzee, and the longest-lived fish and amphibians top out at 50 or 60 years. One shouldnt rush to conclude that just because some of the relatives and descendants of dinosaurs regularly hit the century mark, dinosaurs must have had long life spans as well. Part of the reason a giant tortoise can live so long is that it has an extremely slow metabolism; its a matter of debate whether all dinosaurs were equally cold-blooded. Also, with some important exceptions (such as parrots), smaller animals tend to have shorter lifespans, so the average 25-pound Velociraptor might have been lucky to live beyond a decade or so. Conversely, larger creatures tend to have longer lifespans, but just because a Diplodocus was 10 times bigger than an elephant doesn’t necessarily mean it lived ten times (or even twice) as long. Dinosaur Life Spans: Reasoning by Metabolism The metabolism of dinosaurs is still a matter of ongoing dispute, but lately, some paleontologists have advanced a convincing argument that the largest herbivores, including sauropods, titanosaurs, and hadrosaurs, achieved homeothermy, that is, they warmed up slowly in the sun and cooled down equally slowly at night, maintaining a near-constant internal temperature. Since homeothermy is consistent with a cold-blooded metabolism, and since a fully warm-blooded (in the modern sense) Apatosaurus would have cooked itself from the inside out like a giant potato, a lifespan of 300 years seems within the realm of possibility for these dinosaurs. What about smaller dinosaurs? Here the arguments are murkier, and complicated by the fact that even small, warm-blooded animals (like parrots) can have long life spans. Most experts believe that the life spans of smaller herbivorous and carnivorous dinosaurs were directly proportional to their size, for example, the chicken-sized Compsognathus might have lived for five or 10 years, while a much bigger Allosaurus might have topped out at 50 or 60 years. However, if it can be conclusively proved that any given dinosaur was warm-blooded, cold-blooded, or something in between, these estimates would be subject to change. Dinosaur Life Spans: Reasoning by Bone Growth You might think that an analysis of actual dinosaur bones would help clear up the issue of how fast dinosaurs grew and how long they lived, but frustratingly, this isnt the case. As the biologist, R.E.H. Reid writes in The Complete Dinosaur, [bone] growth was often continuous, as in mammals and birds, but sometimes periodic, as in reptiles, with some dinosaurs following both styles in different parts of their skeletons. Also, to establish rates of bone growth, paleontologists need access to multiple specimens of the same dinosaur, at different growth stages, which is often an impossibility given the vagaries of the fossil record. What it all boils down to is this: some dinosaurs, such as the duck-billed Hypacrosaurus, grew at phenomenal rates, reaching adult sizes of a few tons in a mere dozen or so years (presumably, this accelerated rate of growth reduced the juveniles window of vulnerability to predators). The trouble is, everything we know about cold-blooded metabolism is inconsistent with this pace of growth, which may well mean that Hypacrosaurus in particular (and large, herbivorous dinosaurs in general) had a type of warm-blooded metabolism, and thus maximum life spans well below the 300 years ventured above. By the same token, other dinosaurs seem to have grown more like crocodiles and less like mammals, at a slow and steady pace, without the accelerated curve seen during infancy and adolescence. Sarcosuchus, the 15-ton crocodile better known as the SuperCroc, probably took about 35 or 40 years to reach adult size, and then continued growing slowly for as long as it lived. If sauropods followed this pattern, that would point to a cold-blooded metabolism, and their estimated life spans would once again edge up toward the multiple-century mark. So what can we conclude? Clearly, until we establish more details about the metabolism and growth rates of various species, any serious estimates of dinosaur lifespans have to be taken with a gigantic grain of prehistoric salt!

Oedipus The King Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Oedipus The King - Essay Example King Laius and Jocasta of Thebes tried to avoid the dreadful prophecy’s fulfillment by ordering to kill Oedipus soon after his birth, but their servant saves the child and he grows up as the foster son on Polybus of Corinth and his wife Merope. Without having any clue on his real identity, Oedipus comes across the dreadful prophecy regarding himself and tries to run away from his fate, thinking that Polybus and Merope were his real parents. In fact, he runs into his fate as he kills Laius on his way, solves the riddles of the sphinx that had a curse on Thebes and becomes its King. He has to marry the widowed the Jocasta and in turn have children in her. The truth is hidden from him until Thebes is accursed once again and he conducts an investigation to find out the cause for it. Once the truth is revealed to Oedipus, he is a shattered man, realizing his frailty as a mere human being out of control with slightest element of his destiny. His painful cry reveals his state of mind prior to his self-inflicted punishment: Upon the news of Jocasta’s suicide, Oedipus blinds himself with her brooches. He does not try to escape from his destiny any more. He decides to suffer for his the sins he had committed unknowingly. This is a sign of complete submission to destiny, much in the fashion of the Shakespearean King Lear. IN his suffering, he laments: The life of Oedipus exposes the innate weakness of human heart on the face of an all-consuming destiny. The play has strong psychoanalytic undertones with regard to the incestuous libidinal urges from which human beings have to run away, under the socio-cultural pressures. On a boarder level, the notion that human life is essentially predetermined and there are limitations to which anyone can alter his life contributes the basic motives of the play. The protagonist and the people associated with him feared the worst even as they tried to avoid the

An inevitable task of being social Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

An inevitable task of being social - Essay Example When I had to mingle and put up with these new people, I felt kind of exasperated. I knew it was something that I had to do, but I would rather have gone off with people that I knew and were familiar with. Due to these thoughts running through my head, I knew that I was a little less than friendly towards those that were trying to make acquaintances. Some of the people that I meet are a little too overenthusiastic, and it quickly becomes unbearable to spend more than enough time with them. This event sticks in my mind because I know that I did not make a good first impression with everyone and I still feel guilty about that. I am not comfortable with dealing with so many people at one given time, and I know that this showed during that specific moment. I did not feel too positive about the outcome of what took place; on the contrary, the events of the day kept coming back to mind, making me feel increasingly uncomfortable about the whole ordeal. Though this was in regards to how I ac ted, and not about the fact that I do not always like mass social situations. I always feel that there is one person too many, and it is that person that will test my nerves the most. After all had been said and poorly done, I took the time to fully consider the situation I had repeatedly put myself in that day. The bad aspects of the day had involved my negative attitude towards those that had taken to me with a more positive approach; my less-than-polite responses did very little to help how others viewed me.

Persuasive speech on child sex abuse Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Persuasive speech on child sex abuse - Essay Example The immediate impact could be adverse, but in the long run, the future of these children is put into test especially the kind of adult people they become. III. National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System (NCANDS) in 2007 reported that of all the cases confirmed or substantiated as either child neglect or abuse, 9.3 percent of them were related to sexual abuse (â€Å"The national centre for victims of crime† web). These figures translated to a total of 83,800 victims in that year alone. This is a worrying trend in the modern world, despite reports indicating of a declining trend in this problem. This number represents a high number of children who have to suffer for no cause under the arms of people who are supposed to be offering them protection and love. Such reality should raise alarm to all of us since at one particular time we will be parents in case we are not are already. None of us I am sure would want their children to suffer sexual abuse or molestation. IV. Thesis Statement: due to the numerous negative effects associated with child abuse, there is needed to implement laws that will ensure that children are treated properly without worry. First I will discuss the effects of child sexual abuse, followed by proposed solutions to the problem, which would be focused on promoting good treatment among the children. Finally, I will share on the various benefits associated with adopting laws meant to oversee proper treatment of children in the society. I. Disturbing figures indicate that 1.6% or 16 out of every one thousand children suffer from rape cases, as reported by the Bureau of Justice Statics report. Annually, close to 16% of the youth in the United States are sexually abused. Results from different studies in 1986, 2000, 2002 and 2005 reveals similar results that 63% of women who had suffered sexual abuse by a family member also reported to have been

Art Museums: Issues in Profits, Acquisition and Ethics

Art Museums: Issues in Profits, Acquisition and Ethics Acquisition, Ethics, and Profit in the Art World What happens in the art world affects all parts of it, from the most well endowed museum to the myriad lesser-known and unknown galleries that try to eke out a living. This paper will examine the ways in which museums have weathered the vagaries of the market over the past few decades, including not-for-profit institutions as well as the for-profit sector, including the gray area in which the two—rarely—meet. The unifying factor, as this paper will show, is the reputation of the institution. The reputation of any building that houses works of art is a priceless commodity, whether it is a huge institution of international reputation, or a small but well-respected gallery with equally high standards of decorum and ethics. To maintain that reputation at all costs is of vital importance if an institution is to survive and remain a respected part of the art community. Ethics, Profit and Culture in Museums The role of museums in contemporary society has changed in the last several decades; still considered essential to society as both reflection and mirror, museums have found themselves floundering for financial support as never before. To continue to thrive—often just to survive—they have had to adapt to meet the new demands of a multicultural world, while at the same time maintaining their respected status. Traditionally seen as temples for the muses, todays museums are being challenged to be ethical for society and to build their reputation (Wood Rentschler, 2003). Traditionally, museums throughout the Western world have supported themselves in a variety of ways, most of which are dependent on cultural travel and funding sources. Admission receipts and gift-shop sales form part of their income. Donations from the government and from private and other funding sources supplement that. In recent years, however, cultural tourism rates have dropped, and additional funding from government and private sources has dwindled, leaving budgetary needs unmet. To stay afloat, museums have had to adapt and change with the times. They have done, and continue to do this, in a number of ways. Among these ways, unfortunately, have been activities that have raised eyebrows in the art world, and questions about acquisition, ethics, and profit have come to the fore. Importance of Reputation As institutions which house the priceless treasures and artifacts of our cultural pasts, museums are generally held in high regard. Among smaller galleries, there is also a hierarchy, primarily based on integrity and fair dealings with artists and with each other. For the larger institutions, though, in order to maintain this regard, they are expected to adhere to a higher standard. This expectation is so deeply ingrained that it seems at times a given: museums are considered bastions of artistic culture and historical identity. They are institutions which foster intellectual growth and which exercise discriminating taste and ethical behavior in building and maintaining their collections. Regardless of the exhibition or programme concepts, notes Edson, there are qualities and initiatives that are fundamental to museums, such as intellectual honesty, promotion of critical thinking, enhancement of open-mindedness and the sensitizing of visitors to the commonwealth of humankind (2001: p. 43). This is a tall order to uphold—and one which is under constant scrutiny. What happens when these hallowed institutions fall upon financial hardship? They adapt. The ways in which they adapt may change our preconceived notions of what a museum should be. For example, the concept of blockbuster exhibits in the eighties was considered unacceptable to some. This blatant advertising to sell art—in essence, sell culture, seemed a betrayal of the highest standards, a mockery of itself. It forced many to reconfigure commonly held notions about the institutions themselves. In his memoirs, art critic Richard Feigen echoes what many felt at the time: As museums began to commercialize, to adapt to 1970s inflation, exhibitions also veered away from an emphasis on scholarship toward a preoccupation with box office (2000: 137). The very words box office, in such close proximity to scholarship and museums, would have seemed quite jarring at the time. Yet, since then, we have grown more accustomed—albeit gradually—to the concept of art-for-profit. After all, someone has got to pay for the acquisitions and maintenance of cultural artifacts. If the funding is not forthcoming, museums have had to choose whether to close up their doors and die out like an obsolete breed, or to reinvent themselves in ways they deem acceptable. Having for the most part chosen the latter, museums have had to become more aggressive in pursuit of the funds necessary to at least survive, and hopefully to flourish. This has necessarily caused their patrons to reassess and re-evaluate as well. Just as museum definitions have changed, so too has our understanding of museum ethics explain Wood and Rentschler (2003). It has also forced us to understand the roles of the individuals who run these institutions, as Feigen concedes: In this new era of museology, he writes, a directors success has come to be measured by the crowds he attracts, the funds he raises, the buildings he builds, and how effectively he can dodge political cross fire (2000: 109). A major issue which has sprung from this process of adaptation is the need to maintain an impeccable reputation in the process. The last few decades have been a period of just that, as the concept of the museum—and the actual institutions themselves—have evolved to meet the needs of the people they serve: the patrons. Todays museums are called upon to offer an enhanced experience in an appropriately comfortable environment, one that instills a sense of cultural pride as well as challenge. In so doing, Edson writes: The museum by facilitating that experience serves the individual and the host community to the fullest extent of the concept of public service (Edson, 2001: p. 44). In order to do this, however, the reputation of the museum must remain intact; this means that decisions about affiliations with those outside the museum itself must be absolutely circumspect. And this, in recent years, is where museums have been coming under fire. The Staff The staff of a museum—from curators to custodians—forms the backbone of day-to-day operations. Considered in that light, the actions of staff members may be seen as a reflection on the museum itself. This is something that pertains to all levels of staffing. The security personnel who are responsible for safeguarding national treasures may not be accorded the highest prestige in society, but the importance of their roles should never be played down. A disturbance that distracts even a single security staff member from absolute vigilance can potentially set off a series of events that may lead to loss through damage or theft. And there are several known instances in which the roles of security personnel have been key in allowing unauthorised access to works of art: that they would willingly allow this is untenable, but not inexplicable. Monetary pressures mount, and outside influences can be very persuasive. Arts organisations cannot think that their people will be immune to these pressures assert Wood and Rentschler (2003). They advise that clearly stated ethical practices be a part of every organisation to avoid this very thing. They must be part of the training program, and they must be reviewed and reinforced on a regular basis to maintain both morale and loyalty. Failure to do so can have irrevocably damaging results: If temptation is not resisted, it can compromise the values for which the organisation stands and irrevocabl y damage the reputation that it may have worked for years to create (Wood Rentschler, 2003). These practices must apply to all levels of museum staff, not just those who can provide immediate access. What about those in positions further up in the hierarchy, who have just as much access as well as additional access and power? Their actions must at all times be in accordance with museum policy; in addition, they must adhere to the law—local, national, and international. This is particularly important when it comes to acquisition of properties whose histories may be questionable. To knowingly—or unknowingly—acquire stolen property is anathema, however authentic a piece may be. Any irregularities regarding provenance are a red flag, since a single lapse in judgment can cost a museum its cultural standing as well as its profitability. Alan Shestock, Director of the Museum of Fine Arts Boston, explains that museum curators are acquirers. . . . Most of us go into the profession because the desire to accumulate and bring together objects of quality is in our blood. We are personally and professionally devoted to adding to and improving our holdings . . . (Shestock, 1989: 97–98). This kind of passion, paired with the need to keep ones collection top-rate, can cause considerable angst. To know that a particular, highly coveted item is authentic is an exciting enough discovery for a museum professional. To know, furthermore, or to merely suspect, that its origins may be less-than-circumspect, means that this object cannot become a part of the museums holdings. This is not an easy thing to do. Explains Shestock: To consciously or intentionally turn down a highly desirable object we can afford to buy on the basis that we suspect that it might have been removed illegally from its country of origin—and also k nowing that it will end up in the collection of a rival institution or an unscrupulous private collector is a very hard thing to do (1989: 97–98). Edson and Dean point out several situations in which the circumstances may lead to ethically questionable behaviors. First, there are curators whose job responsibilities include researching and writing about the objects in their collections. Curators hired to research and interpret the collection in their care sometimes regard the notes and associated materials that result from this work as their personal property, regardless of the museums ownership of the actual collections objects (Edson Dean, 1994: p. 235). If the funding for this research is solely supplied by the institution, all rights would seem to revert to the museum. However, it is seldom this straightforward, as personal research may be involved as well. The situation becomes further complicated when international objects are involved, as there are several sets of law which much be adhered to in order to maintain high ethical standards. There are other, even more controversial situations, however, many of which result in unavoidable conflicts of interest. With whom should ones loyalty lie? According to Edson and Dean, in the case of curators, loyalty must be first to the institution; to avoid having to resolve the issue, they suggest judicious discrimination in selection of any extracurricular pastimes: activities that conflict with this loyalty or cause curators to favor outside or personal interests over those of their institutions must be avoided (1994: 232). What of gifts that are made directly to a museum professional? This can be confusing, since gifts can cover a range of services. A professional who would never under any circumstance accept a costly creation of artistic work may think nothing at all of accepting other favors, such as discounts. But these, too, must be avoided, and ultimately rejected. Finally, since it is commonly accepted that most individuals do not go into the arts for its lucrative remuneration, there may come times when it is necessary for museum personnel to supplement their incomes with additional paying work. This is particularly complex in cases in which higher-level museum professionals, such as curators, moonlight, or do additional evening or weekend work for pay. Such specialized types of work may bring them into contact with numerous opportunities for temptation, all of which are to be turned down to maintain propriety. Even a distant association with parties who are entangled with any kind of illegal trade can taint that professionals reputation, and therefore the museum itself. And cases like this are more common than most would like to admit—not to mention far-reaching: the illicit traffic in cultural property is, like narcotics, an international problem (Herscher, 1989: p. 118). Art for Profit In their article, Show Me the Monet, Steve Friess and Peter Plagens broach a subject which continues to be a point of contention in the art world. They discuss an agreement between the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston and the new Bellagio in Las Vegas, Nevada. According to the agreement, the Boston museum would lend a number of Monets to the Bellagio—for a fee. The tradition of extending loans to one another is long-standing among museums, large and small. The agreement to do so for cash, is less common. Among the loftier institutions, it is practically unheard of. Lending art works for set sums of money puts a new twist on the issue. In return for the loan of Monets, the Bellagio agreed to pay the Museum of Fine Arts a hefty some—at least one million dollars. The traditional cashless quid pro quo for lending art to other museums—OK, well lend you our Picasso if we can borrow your Matisse—had been augmented by lending fees (Friess and Plagens, 2004). This calls into question a number of issues, the most pressing of which seems to be, where does one draw the line? If items which are part of a museums permanent collection are accorded dollar values and made available for that price, can anyone with appropriate funds borrow them? What will this do to the reputations, not only of the museums that engage in this, but to the works of art themselves, and to the notion of cultural heritage in general? Ethics, Profit, and Culture in Dealership In a similar vein, private art dealers have had problems of a slightly different nature over the past few decades. Contemporary notions of an art dealer tend to be unkind. Less-than-savory deals, sly cash transactions, cagy tax evasion: these are what come to mind before the subject of art comes into focus. Art critic Peter Schjeldahl puts it succinctly in his article on art dealership in New York, in which he asserts that popular opinion sees the gallery owner as a stock figure of slinky charlatanry, or worse (2004). Because of this, it is with no small amount of glee that people welcome gossipy tidbits about high-society art dealers being brought down in shady, six-figure stings. People savor the cynical rush of discovering garden-variety greed behind a pose of lofty, intimidating sophistication notes Schjeldahl (2004). But, Schjeldahl points out, no matter what one thinks of an art dealers character, one thing remains constant: good taste. Without it, all the pretension means nothing. In addition, there is a hierarchy among the smaller circle of individual galleries that are also part of the art world. Judging by her record of accomplishment and her reputation in the art world, Marian Goodman seems to embody the highest of standards. First of all, when it comes to discrimination and taste, Goodman seems to have an abundance of both. The reputation of a dealer is of great importance in the art world, despite popular conceptions. Goodman, too, has had to weather the storms of changing times, just as larger, loftier museums have had to do, and she, too, has survived. Among her contemporaries, however, Goodman commands a high level of respect for refusing to follow trends and continuing to maintain her own exemplary standards. She employs what some see as old-fashioned standards in both her selection of gallery site and her selection of artists. For example, her gallery is still located in Manhattan, New York City, despite the mass exodus of galleries to outer boroughs of the metropolis. Furthermore, she has steadfastly remained in the pricier part of Manhattan, in the heart of the theatre district, in the mid-fifties. In his New Yorker article, art critic Peter Schjeldahl explains that Goodman could very easily save money and gain vastly more visibility by relocating to Chelsea . . . (2004, p. 36). However, Goodman refuses to budge, preferring instead the uniqueness of her own more expensive showplace to the identical hives of lower Manhattan. Of course, as a private dealer, she is free of the pressures of a committee of trustees and similar directives. Conclusion The art world is at once a seemingly small and insular community on the one hand, and a global community of vast proportions on the other. What happens in this world affects all parts of it, from the most well endowed museum to the lesser-known private galleries. This paper has attempted to examine how both the not-for-profit and for-profit sectors have managed to survive in the last several decades, adapting to best meet the needs of their patrons while maintaining the integrity and values they hold dear. One thing that is undeniable is reputation: To maintain that reputation at all costs is of vital importance if an institution is to survive and remain a respected part of the art community. Edson and Dean have noted that Objects communicate far beyond the walls of the museum in which they are housed. They influence the appreciation and appearance of objects of everyday use, and the level of respect and understanding for the personal and collective natural and cultural heritage of a people or nation (Edson, 1996, p. 7). The reputation of any building that houses works of art is a priceless commodity, whether it is a huge institution of international reputation, or a small but well-respected gallery with equally high standards of decorum and ethics. The slightest hint of a breach in ethical standards is enough to shake the very foundation of an institution; if the breach itself is, in fact, made known to be fact, it is highly unlikely that it will every regain its former stature, nor command the same level of respect. References Edson, Gary. 2001. Socioexhibitry as Popular Communication. Museum International: July 2001, Vol. 53, Iss. 3, pp. 40–44. Edson, Gary and Dean, David. 1994. The Handbook for Museums. London: Routledge. Feigen, Richard. 2000. Tales from the Art Crypt: The Painters, the Museums, the Curators, the Collectors, the Auctions, the Art. New York: Knopf. Friess, Steve, and Plagens, Peter. 2004. Show Me the Monet. Newsweek. New York, Vol. 143, Iss. 4, p. 60. Herscher, Ellen. 1989. International Control Efforts: Are There Any Good Solutions? In Messenger, P., ed. The Ethics of Collecting Cultural Property. Albuquerque, New Mexico: University of New Mexico Press, pp. 117–128. Messenger, Phyllis, ed. 1989. The Ethics of Collecting Cultural Property. Albuquerque, New Mexico: University of New Mexico Press. Schjeldahl, Peter. 2004. Dealership: Onward and Upward With the Arts. The New Yorker. New York: Feb. 2, 2004, p. 36. Shestock, Alan. 1989. The Museum and Cultural Property: The Transformation of Institutional Ethics. In Messenger, P., ed. The Ethics of Collecting Cultural Property. Albuquerque, New Mexico: University of New Mexico Press, pp. 93– 102. Wood,Greg, and Rentschler, Ruth. 2003. Ethical behaviour: The Means for Creating and Maintaining Better Reputations in Arts Organisations. Management Decision. London: 2003.Vol. 41, Iss. 5/6, p.528-537.